Tom Flanagan discusses two themes: that Trudeau’s large increase in income transfers to First Nations has done little to resolve Indigenous social dysfunctions, and that Trudeau publicized allegations of death of Indigenous children in residential schools with flimsy evidence.
I agree with these themes. One measure of social dysfunction is the Indigenous homicide rate. From 2014 to the 2021 census, the Indigenous homicide victim rate rose from 7 to 9 per 100,000; the non-Indigenous rate was stable at below 2 per 100,000. Most of the increase in Indigenous homicides was in the Prairies. Between 2017 and 2021, the average Prairie Indigenous homicide rate was 15 per 100,000.
Flanagan does not address these social dysfunctions. The Statistics Canda essay accompanying the census statistics on homicide does not address them either. The essay blames residential schools and other shameful treatment of Indigenous communities prior to the mid-20th century. We cannot undo the past, and “White settlers” are not going to return to Europe.
There is no “silver bullet” to rectify social dysfunction. A partial solution is better education outcomes. Good formal K–12 education is not sufficient, but it is a necessity for reducing “deaths of despair” and increasing employment. A necessary condition for Indigenous students realizing a good job and a decent income is high school certification from good schools – whether on- or off-reserve.
In 2010, the Assembly of First Nations elected Shawn Atleo as chief. Atleo came from a family of school teachers. By chance, Chuck Strahl, at the time Minister of Aboriginal Affairs in Stephen Harper’s government, also prioritized the problem of unacceptably weak on-reserve schools. The two struck a deal. Disagreements arose over the next three years, but Harper and Atleo successfully made a deal that turned into Bill C-33, tabled in Parliament in 2014 – accompanied by an extra $2 billion in the budget for K–12 reserve education. Many rural chiefs and Indigenous lawyers immediately denounced the bill as “neocolonialism.” The NDP caucus (led by Tom Mulcair) and the Liberal caucus (led by Justin Trudeau) joined the accusation. After a month of virulent criticism, Atleo resigned as AFN chief. Harper responded by pulling the bill and eliminating the promised extra $2 billion committed in the budget.
Trudeau’s government pursued “reconciliation.” The key report defining reconciliation is the 500-page summary of the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Only in a few places does it discuss education. It refers to “Indigenous knowledge” and teaching the legacy of residential schools. Fair enough: teachers should teach a curriculum that incorporates relevant Indigenous culture – but there is no reference to teachers’ ability to teach English or French, perform relevant mathematics and teach science. On-reserve schoolteachers are typically hired on contract for a year; they have no security of employment and little collegial interaction with other on-reserve teachers. Reserve school buildings may be new but they operate as one-room schools.
Harvey McCue, a First Nation academic, has had an eclectic career. He managed school systems, taught at a university and pursued several other activities. He was one of four consultants who advised on Bill C-33, along with Michael Mendelson, Gordon Martell and myself. With his permission, I conclude with a quote from an email exchange:
One of the critical reasons for the lack of success in First Nation (K–12) education is the disconnect between the curricula in First Nation schools (which is the provincial curricula, unfortunately) and the reality facing First Nation youth in their communities. The disconnect is severe enough in my opinion that a majority of kids simply give up on their education because of it. Of course, other factors come into play – a revolving door of unprepared teachers, principals for whom accountability is pretty well non-existent, and parents who for historical reasons see little value in what’s offered in the classrooms.
Defeating the disconnect would place a premium on getting an education, give cause to parents to encourage their kids to go to school, and provide kids with purposeful learning that they see as important and valuable. The (curriculum) should increase the applied education content … to at least 50% of the overall curriculum. This approach worked for most Canadians during the first half of the 20th century and I see many good reasons for re-implementing this approach for First Nation schools.
